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U.S.
Military Can Learn From Russia's Afghan Disaster
Subject:
U.S. Military Can Learn From Russia's Afghan Disaster
Date:
Mon, 01 Oct 2001 20:02:01 -0400
From:
Miroslav Visic <visic@pipeline.com>
Reply-To: direct_action@yahoogroups.com
Organization:
Infinite Justice
To:
Direct Action <direct_action@yahoogroups.com>
"For fair use only"
Washington,
Oct. 1 (Bloomberg) -- The Soviet Union spent 10 years at war in Afghanistan
before it withdrew in defeat.
It
lost at least 118 jets, 333 helicopters and 147 tanks, according to U.S. Army records. Roughly 1,314 personnel carriers,
433 artillery pieces and 11,370 trucks were destroyed. More than
15,000 soldiers were killed; another 470,000 got sick or wounded.
That
record hasn't been lost on U.S. military planners -- or President George
W. Bush -- as the U.S. shapes its response to terrorist attacks in New
York and Washington.
``I
am fully aware of the difficulties the Russians had in Afghanistan,''
Bush said Friday, adding: ``There have been lessons learned.''
Military
analysts say those lessons address how to fight an enemy entrenched
in Afghanistan's mountains. The U.S. must think in terms of annihilating
rather than disabling, cutting off escape routes and other tactics that
prevent small bands of battle-
hardened
guerrilla fighters from reassembling.
``We're
going to have to go in and dig these people out,'' said military historian
Frederick Kagan. ``How to technically go about fighting these guys is
one of the most important things we can take away from the Soviet experience.''
Analysts note the Soviets had a different objective: They invaded Afghanistan
with the intent to control it. The stated U.S. goal is to destroy the
terrorist network of Osama bin Laden, the alleged sponsor of the Sept.
11 attacks.
It's
Not Czechoslovakia
Retired
Lieutenant Colonel Lester Grau, working at the Army's Foreign Military
Studies Office at Fort Leavenworth in Kansas, dissected the Soviet invasion
in a study written in 1996. He collaborated with former Afghan Army
General Mohammed Nawroz.
The
Soviet Army's tactics were the same used in its 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia,
Grau wrote: Disable the military, seize airfields and transportation,
occupy the capital and government buildings, and jail or kill its leaders.
In
the Czech invasion -- against minimal resistance and on more forgiving
terrain -- only 96 Soviets were killed.
In
Afghanistan, the Red Army encountered a guerrilla force that choked
off its supply and communications lines, fought at night to incapacitate
Soviet helicopters and grew only more effective and better armed as
it obtained weapons from the U.S. and other countries who opposed the
Soviets during the Cold War.
More
than 1.3 million Afghan guerrillas were killed, according to Grau --
more suffering on a percentage basis than Germany inflicted on the Soviet
Union during World War II. Yet the Afghans prevailed over a demoralized
Soviet army.
``They
had lost the willingness to combat a rugged enemy that would not quit,''
Grau wrote. ``The pressure of an unpopular, lengthy, expensive war had
transformed many tough, stubborn and ruthless Soviet soldiers into liabilities
whose sole hope was to survive
and go home.''
`Light Infantry War'
Analysts say U.S. strategy mustn't rely on the heavy armor and artillery used by the Soviet army but on weapons and tactics
that allow the mobility and flexibility called for in guerrilla
warfare.
``It
comes down to a light infantry war,'' Kagan said. ``The Soviets weren't
equipped for that. Our force is designed better to do this than the
Soviets, but we are still a conventional army.''
The U.S. first must find the guerrillas, then
destroy them -- not simply disable their firepower. That means cutting
off escape routes so they cannot disburse and regroup.
``You have to make absolutely certain you destroy the guerilla group
in front of you,'' Kagan said.
`Talking
About Caves'
Analysts
say Afghanistan is so devastated by two decades of war and its military
so mobile that there are few fixed targets for air attack.
``It's
difficult to go after their technology when they don't have any,'' said
Frank Cilluffo, a senior policy analyst at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies. ``You are talking about more rudimentary
modes of command and control. Literally, you
are talking about caves.''
Military
experts say that the U.S. will likely use special forces for operations
such as nighttime ambushes and personnel snatches.'' The U.S also forecast
use of missiles and bombs programmed to be guided by satellites or lasers
against targets that may be hiding in a cave or underground bunker or
moving and not visible from the air.
Bush today said the U.S. has deployed 29,000 military personnel as well
as several hundred military aircraft. ``Slowly but surely we're going
to move them out of their holes and what they think is safe havens and
get them on the move,'' he said.
Still,
there are no guarantees. The U.S. has tried without success to catch
bin Laden since his indictment in connection with the bombing of U.S.
embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998.
In 1993, a mission to capture several top aides to Somalian warlord
Mohamed Farrah Aidid resulted in 18 U.S. soldiers killed, 73 wounded
and the loss of two Blackhawk helicopters.
The
Stinger
There are also defensive concerns in Afghanistan.
In 1986, the Soviet forces were close to winning, thanks to intelligence
that allowed their special forces to mount helicopter attacks
against key leaders of the ``Mujahideen,'' as the Islamic guerrilla
resistance fighters were called.
``The
resistance was on the ropes when the Stingers arrived,'' said Andrew
Eiva, a U.S. defense analyst who organized aid to the rebels in the
1980s.
Shoulder-launched,
heat-seeking Stinger missiles, first produced in 1982 by General Dynamics
Corp., were provided to the resistance by the U.S. Central Intelligence
Agency. They gave the Mujahideen a defense against Soviet helicopter
gunships.
A
1989 U.S. Army review concluded that the Stinger ``was the war's decisive
weapon -- it changed the nature of combat.''
Roughly
200 Stingers weren't recovered by the CIA after the war. Though they
shouldn't be discounted, the U.S. should be able to blunt the roughly
20-year-old missiles with advanced counter measures and an intimate
knowledge of how they were built and
perform, analysts said.
Psychological
Advantage
``A guerrilla war is not a war of technology versus peasantry,'' Grau
wrote. ``Rather, it is a contest of endurance and national will.''
``Battlefield
victory,'' he wrote, ``can be almost irrelevant.''
In the Soviet conflict, the Mujahideen held the psychological advantage.
Young men from dozens of countries came to fight after a ``Jihad,''
or Holy War, was declared against the Soviets.
Some
analysts say that unity of spirit is now lacking in the military ranks
of the ruling Taliban government, which has been fighting the rebel
Northern Alliance in a civil war since 1996. The alliance controls roughly
10 percent of the country and some analysts say the U.S. may be able
to capitalize on discontent among the Afghan people.
``I
get a sense that it may be the Taliban that crumbles, in terms of morale,''
Cilluffo said.
Ali Jalali, a former colonel in the Afghan military who now lives in
the U.S. and works for Voice of America, agrees.
``The
Taliban controls about 90 percent of the country, however that doesn't
mean that people in this 90 percent all approve of the Taliban,'' he
said.
Others
say the U.S. will enjoy no such advantage.
``It's
a mistake to think we'll be any more loved on the ground than the Soviets
were,'' said Judith Kipper, director of the Middle East Forum at the
Center for Strategic and International Studies. ``We're foreign invaders.''
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